Why are Iraqi protesters attacking Iran?

As protests continue in Iraq, the anti-Iranian tone of these protests has also increased. In an interview with several Iraqi protesters, Deutsche Welle Persian asked the reasons for this negative and protesting view of Iran.
"For Iraqis who dream of a democratic Iraq, the presence of Shiite militias close to Iran and their interference in politics is a nightmare that has unfortunately come true." These are the words of Amin Ahmed, one of the Iraqi protesters who is currently protesting the situation in his country in Baghdad's Tahrir Square, or Azadi Square.
"Many Iraqis feel that Iran has not been a good neighbor to them," Amin Ahmad, 25, tells DW Persian. "They think that Iran's interference is holding Iraq back and preventing Iraqis from progressing and achieving the social freedoms they want."
A new round of protests in Iraq began on October 1st, this year, in response to the economic and livelihood situation, widespread corruption in the government, and the government's inability to provide services. However, these protests gradually took on a more political aspect, and the range of demands and demands of the protesters quickly expanded.
Amin Ahmad says: “The issue is not just Iran. Many of the young people present in Tahrir agree with me that the electoral law and the political system of Iraq must be completely transformed.”
He says: “The first step is to abolish the quota law based on sect and ethnicity and put an end to this situation. We do not trust any of the current parties and politicians. Even those who claim to support our movement.”
The situation in Iraq's Tahrir Square these days is reminiscent of the same square in Cairo at the height of the Arab Spring. As in those days, in Iraq, demonstrators with diverse social backgrounds and political affiliations have settled in tents and public stands, continuing their protests with music, dance, slogans, and sometimes stone-throwing. These gatherings are occasionally reduced to bloodshed by random but violent and armed raids.
On the western side of Tahrir Square, there is a 13-story commercial complex that has been left semi-abandoned since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003.
Before the second round of protests, Baghdad residents knew the building as the Turkish Restaurant (مطام التركي), but since October 25, when protesters took control of it and used it as a place to rest, distribute food and drinks, and provide medical services, the building has taken on a new name. It is now known as "Mount Uhud Baghdad." In the history of early Islamic wars, Mount Uhud was a strategic stronghold whose abandonment led to the defeat of the Muslims. Protesters believe that they are safe from snipers in this building and that vacating it is tantamount to admitting defeat.
We don't trust Adel al-Mahdi.
The entrance to the Turkish restaurant building is covered with large banners with slogans such as "No Iran, no Saudi Arabia, no America, no Baath, no Barzani, and no Israeli spies!"
Among them were large banners of supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr. From the very beginning of the tensions, Muqtada al-Sadr supported the protesters and soon after called for a change of cabinet.
"Those who are part of the problem cannot provide a solution to it," says 26-year-old student Malaz Laith Fouad. "Muqtada al-Sadr and others who pretend to support us know that they are not capable of confronting the people."
The demonstrators do not seem to be planning to return to their homes. Abbas Ali, a 32-year-old protester from Baghdad, who has been in Tahrir Square since Friday night, November 1, tells DW Persian that the trust between the people and the government has completely disappeared.
“How can you trust their promises when more and more people are being shot every day?” he says.
"Cabinet reform will not fool anyone," he says. "Adel al-Mahdi says he will hand over power as soon as a successor is found, but the alternative we want is different from what he has in mind. We want a revolution."
In response to such demands, Adel al-Mahdi, while pressing for fundamental reforms to respond to the protesters' demands, has ruled out stepping down from power, at least for now.
Like many other young women, Malaz is present in the square every day. She helps the protesters by making videos and photos and posting them on social media.
He believes that the discontent across the country is much more widespread than what is seen in the big cities: “The cameras may be focused only on Baghdad, Basra and Karbala, but many people from Anbar and Mosul and other cities are here and with us.”
He points to the tight security climate in Sunni-majority cities, especially those that were until recently under ISIS control, where the slightest protest movement is quickly silenced. He wants “everyone to know, this is not a Shia or Sunni issue; it is an Iraqi issue.”
Unpaid neighborly dues
The volume of trade between Iran and Iraq reached $19 billion as of last week. Grocery stores across Iraq are full of Iranian goods. Even among the food packages distributed to demonstrators, Iranian items are visible.
Despite this, social media is full of videos in which Iraqis call on their compatriots to boycott Iranian goods.
Anti-Iranian sentiments, slogans, and speeches against Iran have intensified in recent weeks. It has gone beyond slogans, and for example, the Islamic Republic's consulate building in Karbala was attacked.
According to Malaz, “the protesters are only attacking the Iranian government, not the people of this country. Iraqis have always been good hosts to Iranian pilgrims. But if the Iranian government’s interference continues, who will guarantee that this hatred does not spread?”
Many Iranian officials have taken a stand against the protesters, and reports have emerged of the direct presence of Qassem Soleimani, commander of the IRGC’s Quds Force, in Iraq to direct how to deal with the protests. Ayatollah Khamenei likened the Iraqi protests to the “December 20 sedition” and accused “the United States and some regional countries” of creating tension in Iraq and Lebanon.
Confirming Amin and Malaz's words, Abbas Ali told Deutsche Welle Farsi: "As we move beyond Baghdad, anti-Iranian sentiments take on a different content and approach ethnic hatred."
He has been traveling to Basra regularly for the past two years on a short-term contract with a telecommunications company. According to his observations, people in cities like Basra have forgotten about ISIS and its allies and now blame Iran for all the shortcomings.
According to him, “On the outskirts of Basra, on the banks of the Shatt al-Arab, you can see Abadan and Khorramshahr on the banks of the Arvand River. Every time Basra falls into darkness due to a lack of electricity, Abadan and Khorramshahr are seen bathed in light from across the Arvand. The people of the region used to blame Saddam for this situation, but now they think that Iraq’s wealth is being plundered by those whose dependence on Iran is clearer than day.”
As Iraq’s political crisis escalates, it is unclear where relations between the two countries will go in the coming months. On October 30, the governor of Mehran banned the entry of trucks and transit vehicles into Iraq due to the “unsettled situation in Iraq.” Some border crossings have been closed, and Iranian pilgrims have been asked not to travel to Iraq for the time being.
FIFA's decision also shows the current state of relations between the two neighboring countries. The football match between the national teams of Iran and Iraq is scheduled to be held in a stadium in a third country instead of Basra. This situation does not bode well for the friendly relations between the two countries, which spent eight years at war three decades ago.
Source: DW




