The Imam’s Executive Office: A Major Economic Plunderer and Rival to the Revolutionary Guards

His name came to public attention when he entered oil contracts. Neither his purchase of a stake in telecommunications companies, nor his construction activities, nor his entry into banking operations, nor when he launched the Talia credit mobile phone service had garnered such media attention. “Tadbir Economic Development Group”……. However, it became headline news when one of its newly established subsidiary companies, in its first contract, took over the development of an oil field.

It was after that when analyses began and “Tadbir Group” with its subsidiaries came under media scrutiny. When the ceremony for the start of the Peace Pipeline project in Pakistani soil was held, the name “Tadbir Group” was mentioned as its builder on the teletypes. Is this news accurate? Which organization is “Tadbir Economic Group” affiliated with? How does it generate income and how does it spend? What are the six major holding companies as subsidiaries of “Tadbir Economic Development Group”? You will read the answers to these questions.

So the audience has little knowledge of the activities of this large economic organization. Just as little is known about the activities of “Barakat Foundation.” A major charity foundation that operates under the supervision of the Imam’s Executive Office to empower deprived areas and engage in public welfare activities. Also for the benefit of the needy and for disadvantaged areas. How much income does “Tadbir Economic Development Group” with all its companies have? How much does “Barakat Foundation” spend?

This office began operations on June 27, 1989, about a month before the death of Ruhollah Khomeini, through an order to Messrs. Habibollah Asgaroladi, Mehdi Karoubi, and Hassan Sane’i to take control of all funds and assets of unknown owners, assets without owners, inheritances without heirs, and assets subject to Khums payment, discharge from liability, implementation of Article 49 of the Constitution, and other laws placed at the disposal of the Supreme Leader. The aforementioned individuals were authorized by Ruhollah Khomeini to, as they saw fit, take any action in all aspects of selling, maintaining, and managing them, or place part of these authorities at the disposal of the Ministry of Economy and Finance. Through this order, this office was obligated to spend all resulting revenues on matters prescribed by Islamic law, the Martyrs Foundation, the 15 Khordad Foundation, the Housing Foundation, the Aid Committee, the Social Welfare Organization, the Shahid Rajaii Plan, and the Foundation for the Disabled of the Islamic Revolution, and other matters they saw fit. After Ruhollah Khomeini’s death, the leadership of the office was transferred by Seyyed Ali Khamenei in 1994 to Mohammad Shariatmadari, and then in 1997 Dr. Mohammad Javad Zarif was placed in this position. Mohammad Makhber has held the leadership of the office since 2007 to the present.

The Dual Legal Nature of the Office

The Imam’s Executive Office is organizationally composed of two judicial and economic business sectors. The judicial sector has laws passed by the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and the economic sector has been organized by order of Seyyed Ali Khamenei. The financial resources of the economic sector are provided by the judicial sector and its economic activities. In such a way that this office even pays taxes in the field of its own economic activities. This is while according to Article 44 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran Iran’s economic system is based on three sectors: public, cooperative, and private, and another economic sector operating under the oversight of the leadership has not been defined.

The dual nature of judicial and economic operations of the office violates the fundamental principles of systems based on separation of powers, since in such systems the judiciary is independent from the legislative and executive branches. According to Article 57 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the legislative, executive, and judicial powers are independent of each other.

Conflict in the Implementation of Article 49

According to Article 49 of the Constitution, the government is obligated to seize and return to the rightful owner wealth derived from usury, usurpation, bribery, embezzlement, theft, gambling, misuse of endowments, misuse of tax farming, and illegal government transactions, selling of barren and common lands, establishing places of corruption, and other illegitimate matters, and if the owner is unknown, to give it to the state treasury. This ruling must be executed by the government through investigation, inquiry, and Islamic proof.

However, according to Article 8 of the law implementing Article 49 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, adopted on May 8, 1984 by the second session of the Islamic Consultative Assembly under the chairmanship of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, after the court confirms the illegality of the assets of natural or legal persons, if the amount is known, it must be returned to the owner if identified, but if the owner is not identified, it is placed at the disposal of the Supreme Leader, and if the amount is unknown, if the owner is identified, it should be settled with the owner, but if the owner is not identified, one-fifth of the property should be placed at the disposal of the Supreme Leader.

The conflict between this resolution and the implementation of Article 49 of the Constitution is clear.

Parallel Operations with the Organization for the Collection and Sale of Confiscated Property

The law establishing the Organization for the Collection and Sale of Confiscated Property and its bylaws were passed on November 28, 1991 by the third session of the Islamic Consultative Assembly under the chairmanship of Mehdi Karoubi.

The duties of the Organization for the Collection and Sale of Confiscated Property specified in Article 1 of the law establishing the organization and its bylaws overlap with the legal duties of the office, which represents a form of parallel implementation of the Constitution.

The then Head of the Judiciary Sadeq Larijani, through a circular numbered 100/15658/9000 dated March 27, 2013, transferred a large portion of the legal duties of the Organization for the Collection and Sale of Confiscated Property to the Imam’s Executive Office and considered that office as the sole authorized institution regarding assets related to the Supreme Leader. Furthermore, assets at the disposal of the Supreme Leader were expanded to the following cases: assets of unknown ownership, assets without owners, inheritances without heirs, smuggled goods without owners and with absconding owners, assets deposited in free zones and special economic zones, assets of those who have abandoned them, assets and properties of missing persons, assets subject to Khums payment, discharge from liability, implementation of Article 49 of the Constitution and other laws placed at the disposal of the Supreme Leader.

Exclusion from Inspection and Audit by the Court of Accounts

The activities of the office, based on Note 2 of the law listing public non-governmental institutions passed on April 19, 1994 by the fourth session of the Islamic Consultative Assembly under the chairmanship of Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri, which states: (the implementation of the law regarding public institutions and organizations under the supervision of the Supreme Leader will be with his permission), are not subject to oversight by the Court of Accounts, except if inspection is requested by the leadership according to Item B of Article 2 of the law establishing the Court of Accounts.

Furthermore, the office is not an instance of any of the provisions of Article 2 of the law establishing the Court of Accounts that define the scope of inspection of the aforementioned organization.

Tax Exemption

According to Article 78 of the law amending some provisions of the law regulating part of the government’s financial regulations (2) dated December 5, 2014 by the ninth session of the Islamic Consultative Assembly to establish educational justice and implement Article 30 of the Constitution and equip all educational institutions with priority to deprived areas and villages, the Astan Quds Razavi, and those economic institutions and enterprises that are subsidiaries of the armed forces and the Imam’s Executive Office and other executive agencies that had not paid taxes until the adoption of this law, were obligated to pay direct taxes and value-added tax.

However, on the other hand, Item (4) of Article (2) of the law amending the direct tax law passed on August 18, 2015 by the ninth session of the Islamic Consultative Assembly exempts foundations and institutions of the Islamic Revolution that have obtained exemption permission from Ruhollah Khomeini and Seyyed Ali Khamenei from paying direct taxes.

The regulations for handling cases under Article 49 were issued on November 30, 2000 by the then Head of the Judiciary Seyyed Mahmoud Hashemi Shahrudi based on delegated authorities from the leadership.

According to a circular dated May 5, 2009 from the then Head of the Judiciary Seyyed Mahmoud Hashemi Shahrudi, it was determined that orders and decisions issued in cases that are instances of assets at the disposal of the Supreme Leader continue to be issued and announced in the name of the Imam’s Executive Office.

Through an order dated August 24, 2014 by Sadeq Amoli Larijani, then Head of the Judiciary, Gholamhossein Mohseni Eje’i is the Chairman and Member of the Committee for Oversight and Follow-up of Cases under Article 49 of the Constitution.

In 2007, with Mohammad Makhber coming to power, a new approach to social and economic activities for the office was initiated by Ali Khamenei with the aim of providing opportunities for public participation, especially entrepreneurs, inventors, and elites of the country, with priority given to deprived segments of society in deprived areas of the country……………………….!!!!!!!!!!!!!! which not only has not been realized to date but has also resulted in the execution of many entrepreneurs.

The economic sector of the Imam’s Executive Office is not recognized among public non-governmental institutions because it is not mentioned in the law listing public non-governmental institutions passed on April 19, 1994 by the fourth session of the Islamic Consultative Assembly under the chairmanship of Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri.

Part of the organizational structure of the economic sector of the office was published by the U.S. Department of the Treasury in 2002

Barakat Foundation

Income from the implementation of Article 49 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and income from the office’s economic activities, which are carried out as a private sector, are spent through an institution called Barakat Foundation.

Barakat Foundation began its operations in November 2007, two months after Mohammad Makhber came to power. According to Shahin Shayan Arani, the foundation’s first CEO, “according to the policies announced, only work in villages and remote and deprived areas of the country” is on this foundation’s agenda. Barakat Foundation’s activities are in the social sphere. The selected headline for this foundation’s 2015 yearbook was “from mosque building to poverty fighting.”

Tadbir Economic Development Group

This group is the revenue-generating arm of the office in the guise of the private sector. The subsidiaries of the Tadbir Economic Development Group are the following holdings:

• Tadbir Energy Development Group which is a shareholder of the following companies:
  • Pars Oil Company (Public Joint-Stock) – 75%
  • Bahman Geno Company (Private Joint-Stock) – 80%
  • Persia Oil and Gas Industry Development Company – 100%
  • Qaedin Basir Petrochemicals Production Company (Public Joint-Stock) – 80%
  • North Drilling Company (Public Joint-Stock) – 10%
  • Tadbir Drilling Development Company (Private Joint-Stock) – 100%
  • Ray Niroo Engineering Company (Private Joint-Stock) – 100%
  • Abadan Power Generation Company (Public Joint-Stock) – 75%
  • Modabaran Chemistry Chemical Company (Private Joint-Stock) – 100%
  • Tadbir Parsian Refining Company (Private Joint-Stock) – 80%
  • Pars Bazargan Company (Private Joint-Stock)
• Mobin Electronics Expansion Company of Iran which is a shareholder of the following companies:
  • Mobin Trust Development Company which is a shareholder of the following companies:
    • Mobin Company
    • Mobin Mehr Economic Company
    • Iran Telecommunications Company
    • Iran Mobile Telecommunications Company (Hamrah-e Aval)
    • KazInterCom
  • Iranians Net Company
  • Aseman Media Company
  • Raymon Media Company
  • Ariasel Telecommunications Development Company
  • Talia Communications Expansion Company
  • Mobin Comprehensive Communications Development Company
  • Mobin One Cash Company
  • Rahkam Iranians Communications Company
  • Mobin Khavar Technologists Company
• Tadbir Industry and Minerals Development Company
  • Karun Phosphate Products Complex Company
  • Abadgaran Iranians Mining Company
  • Tomorrow Industries and Minerals Company
• Tadbir Investment Company which is a shareholder of the following companies:
  • Pardis Investment Company
  • Iran and East Leasing Company
  • Iran and East Company
  • Silk Production and Export Company
  • Toos Cultivation Manager Company
  • Tadbir Ranchers Brokerage Company
• Barakat Pharmaceutical Company which is a shareholder of the following companies:
  • Herbi Farmed (Medicinal Plants)
  • Alborz Persian Medicine Research and Technology Fund Institute
  • Barakat Pharmaceutical Industrial Park
  • Biosan Farmed Company
  • Cell Tec Farmed Company
  • Barkat Tel Company (Health Call Center)
  • Ati Farmed Pharmaceutical Company
  • Shafa Farmed Company (Center for Production of Raw Materials for Various Types of Antibiotics from Living Cells) (producing about 14% of all essential medicines in the country)
  • Alborz Distribution Company (Confiscated) (belonging to Kazem Khosrowshahi) (having 9,000 covered warehouses)
  • Tollidarou Pharmaceutical Company (Confiscated) (belonging to Kazem Khosrowshahi)
  • Alborz Elevation Investment Company
  • Sobhan Pharmaceutical Group
  • Alborz Bulk Raw Materials Production Company
  • Alborz Daru Company (Pre-filled Syringes Named Prefilled)
  • Sobhan Daru Company (Confiscated)
  • Sobhan Oncology Company (Factory for Production of Anti-Cancer Drugs in Rasht City) (Confiscated)
  • Iran Daru Company (Confiscated)
  • KBC Company (Confiscated – one of the giants of drug imports to Iran)
• Tadbir Management Consultants and Strategic Studies Group
• Tadbir Building Development Group which is a shareholder of the following companies:
  • Omid Development and Construction Company
  • Behsaz Kashane Tehran Building Company
  • Pars Future Development Company
  • Tadbir Innovators Development and Construction Company (Farahzad Innovators Development and Construction)
  • Omid Range Hospitality Company of Kish
  • Tadbir Construction and Development Company
  • Aria Royal Building Company (Private Joint-Stock)

In 2009, this office was involved in purchasing a major stake in Iran Telecommunications Company, which caused many legal ambiguities and objections, along with several other companies. Before that, in 2000, this office purchased 48% of Pars Oil shares, which was the largest stock exchange transaction of that period.

It should be known that the method of confiscation and sale of assets, which according to Article 49 of the Constitution is entrusted to the above institution by government order, has always been subject to discussion. However, looking at the five-year performance of that office regarding the sale of assets and the conduct of auctions for the public is worthy of consideration. Also, the confiscation order in favor of the above organization is only carried out by judicial authorities and based on legal and judicial procedures and with the determination of Islamic judges.

The alleged announcement of the office’s assets by its property manager does not align with the reality of the absence of pricing of confiscated properties and the return of some of them to rightful owners by judicial authorities. From the perspective of critics and opponents, the mere continuation of this office’s operations until today, while it started with a one-year deadline from the beginning, is itself thought-provoking.

Also, according to those seeking a complete review of this office’s operations, in 1991, with the issuance of an order by Seyyed Ali Khamenei to confiscate the assets of Pahlavi dynasty members, Jews, and other minorities, and even Muslim emigrants, without a legal representative to manage the assets, the office’s performance took on special circumstances. According to them, of the approximately ten thousand cases pursued in the Executive Office over the years, only 50% were related to members of the previous regime, and about 50% were related to Muslim Iranians who had traveled abroad and had left the country without affiliation to the previous regime, and whose assets were confiscated solely because of their residence outside the country.

In fact, one of the main causes of this deviation is the benefit judges received from confiscated assets, and in some cases they were accused of purchasing one to five properties in exchange for about 10 to 30% of their value, and it was claimed that office officials were not only unhappy with this phenomenon but also encouraged and approved it.

Apart from the serious legal and religious ambiguities and objections regarding the seizure of assets of citizens who for various reasons reside in other countries, the costs of this for the system’s reputation, by creating a base for opposition, generating discontent against the system, forming circles of corruption and mafia gangs for seizing assets under the cover of Article 49 and the Executive Office, and its consequences, creating pollution in the judicial system, enforcement, and the Executive Office are heavy, and the need for reconsideration is evident.

Furthermore, the provisions of Article 49 were not only the pursuit of confiscating the assets of members of the previous regime (even though its implementation, from critics’ perspective, is very incomplete and only about one-quarter of all assets throughout the country has been implemented), and with the passage of years since the adoption of the Constitution, serious work has not been done in implementing other provisions, and this doubles the need to reconsider the structure of the entire Executive Office.

• Oil Contracts
  • Contract for the development of the northern section of the Yaran joint field (shared with Iraq): worth $600 million, which was concluded within the framework of previous oil contracts with Persia Oil and Gas Industry Development Company (a subsidiary of the Imam’s Executive Office).
  • Contract for the development of the Yaran joint field and the Kopal and Maron fields: The contract amount was not officially announced, but the Tasnim News Agency previously announced its value as $2.5 billion. This agreement was signed between Gholamreza Monoucher, Deputy Director of the National Iranian Oil Company, and Naji Saduni, CEO of Persia Oil and Gas Industry Development Company (based on the new pattern of Iranian oil contracts).

The oil company affiliated with the Imam’s Executive Office is one of eight Iranian companies whose competence for oil exploration and production activities has been confirmed by the Ministry of Oil.

• Assets of the Economic Sector

This office is one of the largest economic enterprises in Iran. In November 2013, Reuters news agency, in a series of analytical articles, based on official documents and evidence and assessment of the value of properties, shares of companies and institutions affiliated with this institution, estimated the value of assets under the control of the Imam’s Executive Office at approximately $95 billion.

Previously, the head of the office had announced the value of properties and estates under the organization’s control as fifty thousand billion rials.

On June 4, 2013, the U.S. Department of the Treasury, through Executive Order 13599, imposed sanctions on the Imam’s Executive Office. This sanction was issued to strengthen executive orders issued in accordance with the D’Amato Act.

On the basis of this, in the list published on January 16, 2016, the Imam’s Executive Office was not included in the SDN List of sanctions, and was not subject to secondary sanctions either, but American citizens were required to block the interests or benefits of the Imam’s Executive Office.

In July 2010, the European Union sanctioned Mohammad Makhber, the then head of the Imam’s Executive Office, placing him on the list of individuals or legal entities suspected of involvement in Iran’s nuclear program and ballistic missiles, but two years later, without any explanation, removed him from the list.

In fact, since the beginning of the Islamic Republic regime’s government, its authorities have attempted, each in their own way, to become power mafia and by every means possible to seize Iran’s assets and economy. Dozens of organizations and institutions such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, the Imam’s Executive Office, … have emerged, each playing a role in some form in the plunder and looting of Iran.

With a brief glance, it becomes clear that the Imam’s Executive Office, under the direct leadership of Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, is run as an organization, and according to some sources, is Khamenei’s powerful arm.

The capital of this organization is currently 95 billion dollars. 52 billion dollars of this capital is allocated to lands whose owners (officials and authorities of the former Pahlavi regime, as well as national minorities and opponents of the Islamic Republic, ….) were, and therefore were confiscated by the regime, and 43 billion dollars of it is also the value of companies that this office has established or purchased.

As mentioned, the Imam’s Executive Office was established in 1989 and was formed according to Article 49 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, passed by the Iranian parliament in 1985. This organization began its activities by order of Ayatollah Khomeini from 1989. In 1989, Ayatollah Khomeini, through a two-paragraph order, asked Habibollah Asgaroladi (who passed away some time ago) to, in cooperation with Mehdi Karoubi and Hassan Sane’i, implement the provision that was included in the Constitution in 1985. According to Article 49, the properties and assets of the authorities and associates of the former Pahlavi regime should be identified and confiscated, otherwise they should be sold and the proceeds distributed to organizations and foundations affiliated with Iran’s leader such as the “Martyrs Foundation,” the “15 Khordad Foundation,” the “Imam Khomeini’s Aid Committee.” As stated in the aforementioned law, this office had only one year to complete this task and at the end of 1990 it should have been dissolved. But now, after 24 years, it continues its activities. Following Khomeini’s death and Khamenei’s assumption of leadership, this office, in cooperation with Ali Khamenei, continued its operations. In fact, Ali Khamenei wanted to use this organization to achieve a kind of financial independence in the face of the government.

The Iranian parliament four years ago, through a resolution, exempted the Imam’s Executive Office from financial and asset investigations and inspections. In this parliamentary resolution, it states that centers and organizations affiliated with the leadership are not subject to any investigation and inspection, except with the leader’s permission.

The Imam’s Executive Office, in cooperation with the Revolutionary Court, has confiscated all lands and properties whose owners are members of religious minorities, opponents of the Islamic Republic, or agents of the previous regime, or forcibly seized and confiscated them. In the aforementioned report, there is mention of the confiscation of properties and assets of Baha’is in Iran by the Imam’s Executive Office, in such a way that they have either been forced to repurchase their properties from the regime or forced to abandon them.

This organization, as evident from its name, is affiliated with the leadership and the person of Ali Khamenei oversees it, and the parliament and the Court of Accounts, which are defined in the Iranian Constitution as two supervisory institutions, have no authority over this organization.

Most of the officials responsible for this organization were previously among the government authorities and ministers or were trusted by Ali Khamenei.

Properties and Lands: According to information, this organization owns confiscated properties and lands estimated to be worth $52 billion. The owners of all these properties and lands are dissidents of the Islamic Republic and national and religious minorities.

Workshops and Companies: The value of the total workshops and companies under the supervision of the Imam’s Executive Office is estimated at 43 billion dollars. This organization, because it has broad powers of action, operates in all fields from oil and gas, banking, automobile manufacturing, pharmaceuticals to foreign relations.

According to information, four years ago, the group of companies “Mobin Trust Development” of which 38% of its shares are owned by the Imam’s Executive Office, purchased 50% of Iran Telecommunications Company for the amount of 780 billion rials, and after this transaction, one of the office’s managers was placed in the position of head of the telecommunications company.

Another company in which the aforementioned office has a stake is Parsian Bank, of which 25% of its shares belong to the office. Although according to information, the Imam’s Executive Office owns less than half of the shares in most companies, because it is supported by Iran’s leader, it has the first and last say in all companies and corporations in which it has a stake.

Most of the office’s economic activities and production are carried out by a group known as Tadbir Economic Development Group. Tadbir Group owns six companies, each operating in a specific field. Such as Tadbir Building Development Group, which is overseen by Mohammad Saidi Kia, a former Minister of Construction and Development. Also, Tadbir Energy Development Group, which is overseen by Gholamhossein Nozari, a former Minister of Oil of Iran. One of this company’s important contracts is the $600 million Yaran oil field contract, which was recently concluded between them and Iran’s Ministry of Oil.

Aref Noruzi, a former official of the Imam’s Executive Office, stated in an interview with the Farsi News Agency in 1999 that the office’s stock market profit was 80 billion rials. He adds that currently 25% of Parsian Bank shares, 20% of Melli Bank shares, 15% of Entrepreneurship Bank shares, and about 10% of Iran Khodro shares belong to this office.

Reuters News Agency reported that three years ago, the aforementioned office purchased the group of “Ray” companies. This group consists of 25 different companies, each operating in different fields such as energy, transportation, and banking to ostrich farming. According to the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the value of “Ray” companies is approximately forty billion dollars.

The aforementioned office states in a report that it provides all its income from various economic fields to another group of the Imam’s Executive Office, called Barakat Institution, and Barakat Institution uses it for production in Iran. Which is actually nothing more than justification.

In general, it can be said that the Imam’s Executive Office is a shadow government. Because the vast majority of this office’s officials are among Iran’s former ministers and powerful officials who directly receive orders from Iran’s leader. The Imam’s Executive Office is in intense competition with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps in all economic and political spheres. For this reason, it can be said that Iran’s government is divided into several poles, each seeking its share of income and power in Iran.

The Imam’s Executive Office is one of Iran’s financial-economic cartels. And in the past 5 years, it has been the only rival to the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps in many economic activities. The Imam’s Executive Office, because it is affiliated with Khamenei, enjoys very strong economic and security rents and is away from any oversight and criticism. The Imam’s Executive Office is a governmental, not a state institution, which is under the direct supervision of the leadership. This office was formed by Khomeini’s order in 1989 with a one-year deadline to identify and confiscate the assets of those affiliated with Iran’s former political regime, but this office, with the issuance of an order by Khamenei from 1991, in addition to confiscating the assets of Pahlavi family members, has confiscated the assets of Jews and all those who had immigrated abroad (without the presence and knowledge of their representatives).

It is regrettable to know that:

The Head of the Judiciary, through a circular to judicial authorities across the country, stated: The Imam’s Executive Office (may God’s mercy be upon him) is the only institution authorized regarding assets related to the Supreme Leader.

The text of this circular is as follows:
To judicial authorities across the country

In view of the order dated February 26, 1989 of the Imam (may God’s mercy be upon him) and the order dated June 16, 1989 of the Supreme Leader and other orders from the Supreme Leader regarding assets at the disposal of the Supreme Leader, the following is hereby announced to the courts and prosecution offices for necessary action:

1 – Since to date no permission has been given by the Supreme Leader for the Organization for the Collection and Sale of Confiscated Property mentioned in Article 3 of the law establishing the Organization for the Collection and Sale of Confiscated Property and its bylaws passed in 1991, the Imam’s Executive Office (may God’s mercy be upon him) is the only institution authorized regarding assets related to the Supreme Leader.

2 – Assets at the disposal of the Supreme Leader include: assets of unknown ownership, assets without owners, inheritances without heirs, smuggled goods without owners and with absconding owners, assets deposited in free zones and special economic zones, assets that have been abandoned, assets and properties of missing persons, assets subject to Khums payment, discharge from liability, and implementation of Article 49 of the Constitution and other laws placed at the disposal of the Supreme Leader.

3 – Courts are obligated to investigate assets remaining from the defendants in cases under Article 49 of the Constitution whose orders were issued in favor of other institutions, but have not yet taken action to identify, manage and take possession of, and to issue supplementary orders in favor of the Imam’s Executive Office (may God’s mercy be upon him).

Oversight of the proper implementation of this circular is the responsibility of the heads of the judiciary of the provinces.

Sadeq Amoli Larijani – Head of the Judiciary

This office also played a major and essential role in the execution of several major entrepreneurs in the country, including Mr. Mah Afriad Khosravi.

The matter was revealed and became public in a way no one expected. The announcement of the sale of the properties of Amir Mansour Aria Group in Hamshahri newspaper coincided with another four-page announcement from the Imam’s Executive Office in 25 provinces across the country. This simultaneity caused the assets of Aria Group and the assets of the Executive Office to be considered the same in the media, and even state television emphasized the sale of Aria Group’s assets in 25 provinces. It appears that following the publication of misleading and incorrect news by Mehr News Agency and Islamic Republic television in the program 20:30 on November 5, 2013, which is also a widely-watched program, it was announced that the assets of the defendant in the 3 trillion rial case, namely Mah Afriad Amir Khosravi, have been put up for sale in 25 provinces across the country. Several multi-story buildings were shown in that program, and the program’s reporter insisted on convincing viewers that these buildings belonged to the defendant in the 3 trillion rial case, while none of the buildings shown belonged to Aria Group and might be among the buildings the Executive Office has put up for sale. Among the buildings in the Executive Office’s property sale announcement were properties such as Niagara Cinema, which belonged to the heirs of the late Fardin, and the heirs of the late Ali Hatami also held ownership of three shares of this cinema, which were introduced as assets of Aria Group, and even in one media outlet, it was headlined that Mah Afriad Khosravi was a partner with Ali Hatami in this cinema. While part of the cinema property belonged to the Executive Office, which was announced in row 65 of the announcement. Also, another property opposite the British Embassy, in row 56 of the same announcement, was introduced as Mah Afriad’s asset. In the 20:30 program, many properties with very high figures and prices were attributed to Mah Afriad Khosravi and Aria Group. Given the conduct of Islamic Republic television throughout the trial of the banking corruption case, which never agreed to reflect even a small part of the defendant’s defense and his lawyer’s arguments, it acted in a completely biased and one-sided manner by publishing false and exaggerated claims and blackening against the client and Aria Group. This time too, it is in a way that manipulates public opinion and attributes ownership of dozens of properties in 25 provinces of the country that is exactly contrary to informing the public, attempting to mislead people and officials from the facts. In the programs of Islamic Republic television, there was never mention of 17,000 workers employed in the complexes managed by Mah Afriad Amir Khosravi. It is interesting that in an unprofessional move, the program 20:30 attempted to convey the wrong idea to viewers that Mah Afriad spent funds received from banks on purchasing urban real estates and that these funds were diverted from legitimate purposes from the production cycle and devoted to land and housing speculation. While the LC funds in question were used to revive previously bankrupt state companies and to establish and launch new production units.

And by orchestrating an emotional media game, while cleverly sidelining a successful entrepreneur and seizing his assets, they continue on this path.