The corruptions of each period and time can be expressed in two areas:
- The sphere of government and government agents; this sphere can be discussed in two axes: one in relation to the rulers and high and senior managers of society, and the other in relation to middle and lower level agents and managers.
– The area of people and society.
There is a close relationship between the corruption of rulers and the corruption of the people. If the rulers are corrupt and wicked, according to the principle of "people are subject to the religion of their rulers", the people will also tend to corruption, and if the people are corrupt, they will drag the righteous rulers towards corruption, and if these rulers resist, the corrupt people will eliminate the righteous rulers through rebellion and... and put corrupt officials in power. This is an undeniable principle, the correctness of which is clear with a little reflection, and in history, one can find abundant evidence for it.
The story of the Martyr's Foundation and its behind-the-scenes issues is one of the strangest mysteries in Iran. This vast organization, which was established to support the families of those killed in the Iran-Iraq war, has become one of the largest economic and, of course, corruption hubs in Iran, operating in all kinds of businesses from energy and chain stores to mining, poultry farming, and banking. The story of this labyrinthine house, like the stories of One Thousand and One Nights, is fascinating and instructive. What has happened in this lucrative shop so far is both strange and exciting, as well as painful and regrettable. From the perspective of any group, this money-making organization is very attractive and pleasant. Both for the families who lost their breadwinner during the devastating war with Iraq, and this organization is supposed to support them in the difficult years of living without a father, and for the people who have been chosen to run this organization to benefit from the vast pool prepared from the blood of the youth of Iran. The story of the Martyr Foundation is a story of a paradise that anyone who enters has no intention of leaving. This money-making paradise, whose assets have been repeatedly misused for various purposes, whether it be embezzlement and bribery, or influencing elections and buying votes, has now entered a new era and a new game.
The Martyr Foundation has been trying to develop some of its activities since the past, especially during the era of the weavers. Entering fields such as energy, banking, stock exchange, poultry and cattle farming, construction, etc. are examples of this. The era of the weavers, with the establishment of Bank Dey, was a turning point and the root of the beginning of stories whose stems and leaves are protruding today. Today, the strange embezzlement of Bank Dey, whose CEO was appointed by Mi’ad Sadeghi (the nephew and son-in-law of the chairman of the Martyr Hojjatoleslam Shahidi Foundation and Bajnaq…), is no longer a secret to anyone. In fact, the root of all these small and large incidents should be sought in the people who are senior managers in the Martyr Foundation, and the aim of this article is to shed light on the reality of these people and the organized corruption teams behind it. The Martyr Foundation has two important economic arms: the Kausar Economic Organization and the Shahed Institute.
Each of these powerful economic enterprises is a business hub and a den for various political figures who use its facilities for personal or party matters.
These people, most of whom have not suffered any harm from the war with Iraq or the events that followed, consider it their right to eat from this endless table and consider it their property. A clear example of this trend has been happening for years in the economic organization of Kausar, and as its economic power increases, corruption, collusion, and political transactions to cover up its embezzlement become more apparent than in the past. This is due to a policy that has existed in the Martyr Foundation for many years, which is not to leak the various issues and problems of this foundation outside of it. A policy that has its own victims and supporters and has been able to work successfully so far. This article deals only with the Kowsar Economic Organization, because it has controlled the majority of the economy of the Martyr Foundation in various and exclusive areas, and over the past years, with the coming to power of Mohammad Reza Eskandari (Ahmadinejad's deposed Minister of Agricultural Jihad and one of the people appointed to Mohammad Javad Iravani as one of the important deputies of the Supreme Leader), both the scope of its activities and its economic and moral corruption have expanded. What is strange about Mohammad Reza Eskandari and his circle of close associates is not the numerous corruptions and embezzlements and sometimes financial support for presidential candidates such as Saeed Jalili, but rather their weak presence in the public eye and, of course, their colorful presence in the election scenes. This group, which remains from the Ahmadinejad era, has not remained in the Kowsar Economic Organization solely for economic affairs and with the full support of the Supreme Leader's Office of Supervision and Audit, but rather the goals behind the scenes are much grander and more complex than these realities, and the author of this article is trying to express the various dimensions of these political margins. What we are trying to say is taken from internal sources of the Martyr Foundation and the Kausar Economic Organization and has been hidden for years in its hidden layers of management. The presence of people with long management experience in the Martyr Foundation and the political power teams that have been formed in that direction is the main factor and foundation of all the events that are happening today. The reader of this article has the right to research all aspects of it and interpret the truth as he sees fit.
The power and corruption structure in the Martyr Foundation is not uniform and does not consist of just one group, but the main circle and of course all the secondary circles all end, directly or indirectly, with Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei. Masoud Zaribafan, the former chairman of the Martyr Foundation, and even Mohammad Ali Shahidi, its current chairman, are also appointees and directly connected to Mashaei. In particular, Shahidi, who became the head of the presidential inspection body with Mashaei's support and was chosen from that time to join the reformist front and Hassan Rouhani, who was one of his close friends, to succeed Zaribafan, whose investigation and investigation by the parliament, and especially the blessed person who headed this body, had put his foot on his throat in order to achieve their political ambitions.
In 2009, after Mohsen Mehr Alizadeh, Mohammad Reza Eskandari was elected by the weavers to head the Kausar Economic Organization. His election was not based on friendship with the weavers, but on the advice and support of Mohammad Javad Iravani. The same person who was the intermediary for Eskandari's presence in the Supreme Leader's House and the proposal of the wheat self-sufficiency plan on behalf of Eskandari and obtaining the approval of the Supreme Leader's House, and despite the opposition of Hojjati (the then deputy minister of agricultural Jihad), he ultimately implemented it and led to Eskandari's appointment to the ministerial position.
Irvani's behind-the-scenes role in covering up the widespread violations of the Kausar Economic Organization today is very important and fundamental. He is influential in the General Inspection Organization and all audit operations of the Mofid Rahbar Institute (responsible for auditing companies under the supervision of the Supreme Leader's House) are carried out under his supervision. Irvani is one of the most influential and important members of the missing link of the Martyr Foundation, which has caused the media and judicial scandal that occurred in Bank Dey to not be repeated in the Kausar Economic Organization so far. Eskandari's devotion and dependence on him is to such an extent that, considering all the issues and sidelines of the Kausar Economic Organization and the role of Eskandari and sometimes some of his family members in its embezzlement and even some financial abuses by the managers of the Kausar Organization (some of which will be discussed below), Mohammad Reza Eskandari knows with certainty that he will remain in this position until 2018, and until then he and his corrupt managers can plan for their political future and even influence the upcoming elections by using the financial power of the Kausar Economic Organization.
Even when rumors of the Martyr Foundation's withdrawal from economic activity arose due to its widespread embezzlement and money laundering, with the behind-the-scenes agreements of Mohammad Javad Irvani and Mohammad Reza Eskandari, the plan to transfer the top and money-making companies of the Kausar Economic Organization to the Executive Headquarters of the Imam's Decree (whose former head was Mohammad Javad Irvani) was initiated, and with the transfer of the shares of the above companies to this complex, the scope of these individuals' diverse and widespread corruption will continue. Irvani's extensive influence and comprehensive support for Mohammad Reza Eskandari is enough that even the Ministry of Intelligence of the Islamic Republic and the powerful General Inspection Organization of the country are unable to interfere in the affairs of the Kausar Economic Organization, and anyone who interferes with them is either bribed or eliminated in some way. The bribery of inspectors and managers of the General Inspectorate of the country, the deputies and senior managers of the Martyr Foundation, some members of parliament, and the failure to leak any information about the huge amount of corruption in the Kowsar Economic Organization, even considering the media threats made by the head of the Martyr Foundation’s investigation and investigation board, all indicate the power of this corruption mafia, even within the heart of the Martyr Foundation complex and even the Iranian leadership. Protecting and protecting Eskandari and his companions is so important to Mohammad Javad Iravani that even the position of security director of the Kowsar Economic Organization complex cannot be removed or changed, and a very notorious and corrupt person like Mehdi Ebrahimi is in charge of managing the security of the Kowsar complex, and even the Ministry of Intelligence’s general security is unable to hold him accountable for his wrongdoings. Ebrahimi and a number of his entourage and friends, who have been entrenched in the Kowsar security for years, have done everything they could in terms of corruption and embezzlement and have turned this great agricultural giant of Iran into a quagmire of corruption and ruin. Mehdi Ebrahimi, who is a relative of Mahmoud Molavizadeh, the former head of security at the Martyrs' Foundation and the current director general of the foundation's complaints handling, along with a few of his associates such as Hessam Momeni Nasab, Mojtaba Amini, Kalhor, and other individuals in the Kausar Economic Organization such as Azim Jalali, Saeed Khan Daei Qamsari, Gholamreza Panah, Saeed Shakuri, and others, are a group of freeloaders who do everything for Eskandari's goals.
These people, who receive unaccountable salaries (sometimes over 15 million per month) and strange bonuses only from the Kausar organization, and also receive free and unaccountable money from its subsidiary companies that have appointed managers, have grown like a parasite in this complex and have now turned into a seven-headed dragon. No matter how big and important the political issues and deals of people like Iravani and Eskandari are, the work of these people is complicated and full of moral issues and numerous financial and business corruptions. Someone like Mehdi Ebrahimi, who was once responsible for purchasing items that did not cost more than 100,000 tomans in the procurement of the Ministry of Sports, is now the director of security, with the help and cooperation of corrupt people, responsible for moving millions of tomans. Managers under Ebrahimi's group include: Hessam Momeni Nasab, who himself has immoral relationships with some married and unmarried women in companies and is known for taking bribes; Mojtaba Amini, known as Mojtaba the Madman, who has physical and mental complications from the Iran-Iraq war and being a veteran; and with the death of his wife, he has also, in his old age, started having relationships with girls and women in companies under the Kowsar organization and has taken advantage of them in many ways; Kalhor, who has reached security and management positions through his marriage to the sister of Dr. Shahraki (one of the security managers of the Kowsar organization) and is a loyal and devoted member of Ebrahimi; Azim Jalali, who has enjoyed astronomical salaries and benefits after reaching the position of the general financial director of the Kowsar organization and making numerous calculations for Eskandari and his friends, and his retirement years have reached more than 1 billion tomans with Eskandari's help; Saeed Khan Daei Qamsari, whose role in the corrupt Kowsar organization is still unknown; he has reached the position and position solely because he is the son of a martyr; These types of people, who are nothing but scavengers in the worm-eaten body of the Kausar Economic Organization and who are increasingly attacking its roots every day, are examples of Eskandari's appointment of incompetent opportunistic managers.
Selling the property and buildings of companies affiliated with the Kausar Economic Organization through the direct management of Hossein Shahavi (the acting head of the Kausar Organization) and recognizing the profit from this way for this seemingly corrupt group is the last remaining solution for Mohammad Reza Eskandari's entourage to keep him afloat for a few more days and continue their plundering and plundering under his shadow. Although Eskandari himself in some cases decisively confronts these suicidal acts of his entourage and tries not to play into their hands, the political dealings within the organization of these individuals and numerous collusions with Eskandari in some cases have eroded his management power.
At one time, Mohammad Ali Shahidi, the head of the Martyr Foundation, intended to dismiss Eskandari, and even passed through Mohammad Javad Iravani's filter, but what prevented this decision was Eskandari's political deal with Shahidi. The story of this deal goes back to the appointment of the CEO of Teklam Company, a subsidiary of the Kowsar Organization, which was imposed on Eskandari by Mead Sadeghi, Shahidi's nephew and son-in-law. During his management, he imported 5,000 Mazda cars in the name of the Martyr Foundation with government currency and then sold them on the open market at a high price, making a huge profit for Mead Sadeghi's corrupt team. This story was used by Eskandari and quite cleverly to prevent his dismissal by Shahidi with this political deal.
The interesting part of this case is the failure to publish it by Khojaste, the head of the parliamentary investigation and investigation committee of the Shahid Foundation, who exaggerated the stories of corruption in Bank Day, Bimih Day, Sobhan Company, and several other cases, marginalizing this violation. With Shahidi's help and his mediation with President Hassan Rouhani of the Islamic Republic, he was approved for the 10th parliamentary election (he had been disqualified in the first round) and was able to participate in the Islamic Consultative Assembly again.
The sweet stories of economic irregularities and moral corruption of the Martyr Foundation and the Kowsar Economic Organization have turned these groups into a paradise for those who want a share of the Islamic government, and it seems that this share-seeking is endless. All the top managers of the Kowsar Organization have the problem of economic corruption in one way or another, and this issue is clearly present in the economic deputy of the Kowsar Economic Organization and of course in the person of Gholamreza Panah (Eskandari's economic deputy). He tried to run in the elections but was not approved, using his connections he was able to get a huge amount of money for election expenses from a number of Tehran capitalists and spend it on the election expenses of his party friends, and as the economic deputy of the Kowsar Organization, he intends to obtain this money in any way possible. Companies of the Kowsar organization, such as Sharifabad Agriculture and Industry, which is run by the nephew of Seyyed Javad Adeli, a long-time friend of Eskandari, and which has numerous corruption problems, or Moein Kowsar Company, which is one of the loss-making companies of the Kowsar Economic Organization and does not even have the budget to pay its employees, or companies such as Teklam, which has been destroyed, Kavundeh Company, which has squandered its valuable capital, Montaseran Company, which has been dissolved very quietly, Jahan Vegetable Oil Company, which has been sold at a bargain price, Shahab Loss-making Company, Simkat Jobless Company, Tehran Electric Company and its strange adventures, Sobhan Company and its widespread violations, Ayman Asayesh Kowsar Company and its stupid business, Speed Shahed Company and the large amount of hidden bribes of its managers and the defamation of the name of the Martyr Foundation, listed companies of the Martyr Foundation and the purchase of hectares of land in all parts of Iran and various money laundering methods for political parties, Bank D and 800 billion loans without guarantors that were given to the corrupt team of Mi'ad Sadeghi and Some senior deputies of the Shahid Foundation, Telmar Company, and companies under the Keshavarzi Holding Group, whose managers are either thieves affiliated with Mi'ad Sadeghi and Mehdi Faghihi, former deputies of Shahidi and of course his first-degree relatives, or are affiliated with Mohsen Ansari and his servants in the security of the Kowsar Organization, or are affiliated with senior managers of the Kowsar Economic Organization (such as the Kowsar Industries and Mines Company, Moein Kowsar Company, etc.), are all part of the heavy volume of embezzlement that has taken place in the Kowsar Economic Organization.
Meanwhile, the news media has not been left out of Eskandari's lavish table, and from time to time they publish an interview with him and receive a donation of several million, or, like Davud Hosseinzadeh, the editor-in-chief of Shahid News, they infiltrate the body of the Shahid Foundation and the Kowsar Organization, and in addition to the monthly amount of 400 million in the name of advertising, they also appoint managers for the companies of the Kowsar Economic Organization.
This colorful table spread on the river of blood of the youth of Iran not only fills the bellies of these jackals and sharpens their greedy teeth more than before, but also keeps their hope for the future alive with the rents and monopoly that exist in the Iranian market for the economic activities of the Martyr Foundation.
The grieving families of those killed in the Iran-Iraq war, known as the families of sacrifice and the children of martyrs and veterans, the same silent children of yesterday, are today facing the challenge of looting property that was stolen in their name and for the benefit of the predatory wolves who consider themselves the heirs of the blood of those killed in the war, or martyrs, and the supporters of their families.
A sentence from Ayatollah Khomeini, which has been seen in the letters of the Islamic State Martyrs Foundation and is still used today, describes the lives of these survivors: Whatever the Islamic Revolution has, it is due to the blessings of the struggle of the martyrs and sacrificers.
Today, anyone who looks at this complex of corruption and destruction from the outside feels sorry for the people who were killed to preserve this Islamic state (whether in the war with Iraq and afterwards, or in the war in Syria, etc.), because today everyone knows that those who were safe from the tribulations of the war and the events that followed and who have become the owners of government positions by joining political parties are the real winners and the owners of the spoils of the revolution and the key holders of the safe of the Martyrs Foundation. The real men are all asleep in the dust.
"Falisat al-Rariah is not reconciled except by the righteousness of the ruler, and the ruler is not reconciled except by the righteousness of the ruler"
People do not become righteous except by reforming their rulers, and rulers do not become righteous except through the steadfastness of the people.
Economic Activities of the Martyr Foundation
The Martyr Foundation has financial and administrative independence and its affairs are managed in accordance with the regulations and laws related to public non-governmental institutions and within the framework of the approved statutes and relevant regulations under the supervision of the President and the supervision of Ayatollah Khamenei. The Foundation is now one of the largest economic enterprises in Iran.
Agriculture and animal husbandry
The Shahid Foundation is active in this sector with the Kowsar Agricultural Organization. In total, it has more than 20 companies and has a share of at least 30% in the import of animal feed to Iran. The three companies, Zarbal, Pars Animal Feed, and Zarbal, are accused of widespread financial irregularities.
In addition, the companies Morghak, Chineh, Mashhad Animal Feed, and Shargh Agro-Industrial Complex are also among the prominent economic investment companies of Kowsar Agriculture. Kowsar Agricultural Services Company alone supplies 74% of the equipment needed by Iran's agricultural and livestock sectors.
Development of industries and mines
The Martyr Foundation owns and manages at least seven mines in different parts of Iran. The Qorveh, Azna porcelain, Maku marble, and Khorramabad mines are just some of the mines under the organization's control. The organization owns four percent of Iran's decorative stone production.
In the industrial sector, Sobhan Investment, Bu Ali Investment, and Hormuz Energy Holding, Shahed Reserve Company are major and minority shareholders in the Iranian Stock Exchange Organization.
Food industry
The Martyr Foundation has a stake in many of these companies by purchasing shares in sugar and dairy companies. Companies affiliated with this organization are also active in the production and import of vegetable oil and red meat to Iran.
Bardsir Sugar, Pars Vegetable Sugar, Jahan Sugar, Mashhad Oil Extraction, Piranshahr Sugar, Khorasan Sugar, and Rita Dairy are among the companies affiliated with the Martyr Foundation.
Building supply
The Foundation's activities in the field of construction are very extensive. In addition to the Kowsar Building Supply Investment Company, the Shahed Savings Company is also active in this field and has more than 20 projects under implementation. The construction of commercial projects in Kish, Tehran, and Mashhad is only part of the activities of the Shahid Foundation.
Aseman Afarin, Atieh Sazan Shahed Khorasan, Behdasht Chamestan, Padad, and Ab-o-Khaq Kowsar are among the foundation's affiliated companies in the field of construction.
Electricity and electronics
The Shahid Foundation, abbreviated as Saba, operates in the field of Iran's electrical and electronics industry. The Kowsar Economic Organization's Electrical and Electronics Investment Company is a major shareholder in 20 Iranian listed and over-the-counter companies.
Saba is active in companies such as Technotaz, meter manufacturing, smart component production, and supplying electronic equipment to the oil industry.
Investment Banking
The Martyr Foundation has officially entered the banking and money market of Iran since 1990, with the establishment of Bank Dey.
D Exchange, D Bank, D Insurance, D Investment Fund, Shahed Savings Fund, Kowsar Investment Fund, Bu Ali Investment, Saadi Investment, and Sobhan Investment are among the companies affiliated with the Martyr Foundation.
Commerce and trade
Two investment companies, Sobhan and Shahed Savings, have trading subsidiaries. The companies Muntaseran, Tohfeh, Pars Livestock Feed, Speed Trading Company, Metal Trading, Shams Dubai, Shahed Germany, and Azad Stores are among the trading subsidiaries of the Shahid Foundation.
The major import of pharmaceutical and dietary supplements into Iran is handled by Speed Shahed Company.
Energy
The Shahid Foundation also operates in the energy sector with Shahid Storage Company, Sobhan Investment, and Bu Ali Investment. Iran's coastal reservoirs in Bandar Rajai and the sale of hydrocarbons and aromatic oils are among the announced activities of the Shahid Foundation in the energy sector.
Sobhan Investment also owns shares in Petroshimran and Karun Phosphate. Pars Energy Shahed Kish, Nasr Shahed, and Moled Energy Shahed are also affiliated with the Martyr Foundation. Two companies, Hafad Transport and Gostaresh Shahed Transport, also operate in the field of energy transportation.
