Ibrahim Raisi: From Membership in the ‘Death Committee’ to Seeking the Presidency
Ibrahim Raisi’s renewed determination to assume the presidency and the non-competitive atmosphere of the 2021 elections, coupled with the increased likelihood of the current head of the judiciary winning in Iran, have drawn increasing attention to Ibrahim Raisi’s background and human rights positions. This presidential candidate has held important judicial positions for years, and his actions at various historical junctures—including his membership in a committee known as the “Death Committee” during the execution of political opponents of the Islamic Republic in 1988, and his positions regarding the detention of protesters during the 2009 unrest while serving as deputy head of the judiciary—remain fresh in the minds of Iranian society.
Ibrahim Raisi was appointed as head of the judiciary by Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, less than two years after his defeat in the 2017 presidential elections. During over two years of his leadership of this branch, numerous instances of intensified human rights violations have been observed among institutions and bodies under the judiciary’s command; from the publication of inhumane treatment of prisoners in Iranian prisons to the intensification of judicial and security pressures on political and ideological defendants and civil activists, and of course the increase in death sentences being issued and carried out in political and ideological cases.
The failure to pursue judicial action against those responsible for the downing of the Ukrainian passenger plane and the perpetrators and agents of the November 2019 massacre, as well as the continued weakening of the independent Iranian Bar Association through the implementation of regulations, circulars, and directives, are among the dark points of Ibrahim Raisi’s brief tenure as head of the Islamic Republic’s judiciary.
Ibrahim Raisi: From Membership in the “Death Committee” to Head of the Judiciary
In August 2016, Ahmad Montazeri released an audio file of a meeting between his father, Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, and members of the committee responsible for executing political prisoners in the summer of 1988. In this meeting, Ayatollah Montazeri, addressing Hossein Ali Niri (the religious judge of the time), Morteza Eshraqi (the prosecutor of the time), Ibrahim Raisi (the prosecutor’s deputy of the time), and Mostafa Pourmohammadi (the representative of the Intelligence Ministry of the time), says: “The greatest crime committed in the Islamic Republic, which condemns our history, has been carried out by you, and your name will be written among criminals in history.”
Ayatollah Montazeri’s son had previously, in an interview with the Iran Human Rights Campaign, stated that more audio files exist regarding details of the 1988 executions, referring to Ibrahim Raisi’s direct and undeniable role in the summer 1988 massacre.
The release of this audio file brought increased public attention to Ibrahim Raisi’s record in the Islamic Republic’s judicial system. In 2009, Ibrahim Raisi, as deputy head of the judiciary and during the trial of those detained in the Green Movement protests, took harsh positions against the protesters; Ibrahim Raisi repeatedly claimed that many of those detained in the Green Movement were connected to foreign forces and facilitated the execution of several prisoners. In the same year of 2009, after revelations of sexual abuse and torture against prisoners, Ibrahim Raisi, along with Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei and Ali Khalefi, was tasked by the judiciary to investigate the matter. The committee’s findings claimed that “there was no evidence of sexual assault against the individuals alleged by Mr. Khatami, and the claims made were unfounded and devoid of truth.” A claim later proven false, and a case was subsequently formed for the Kahrizak crimes.
Ibrahim Raisi repeatedly, as deputy head of the judiciary, spoke of the need to continue dealing with Green Movement activists and the leaders of the movement under house arrest. According to Ibrahim Raisi, “the Islamic Republic system has treated the leaders of the sedition with mercy, and their house arrest is to ensure their own security.”
Ibrahim Raisi’s candidacy in the 2017 presidential elections, given his dark record during his tenure as deputy head of the judiciary and numerous instances of human rights violations during nearly forty years of service at the highest levels of the Islamic Republic’s judiciary, prompted many human rights organizations to react. Although Ibrahim Raisi came in second in those elections and failed to assume the presidency, less than two years later, the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran chose Ibrahim Raisi as head of the judiciary.
Ibrahim Raisi’s Record as Head of the Judiciary
Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, appointed Ibrahim Raisi as head of the judiciary on March 7, 2019. In the view of many human rights activists and organizations, the appointment of Ibrahim Raisi as the top judicial official was an unjust and dangerous decision; a figure with a record of numerous human rights violations and harsh, rigid positions against civil and political activists.
During approximately 28 months of Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary, repeated instances of human rights violations occurred within institutions under his command; from the increase in the issuance and execution of death sentences in political and ideological cases to the intensification of inhumane and unlawful treatment of prisoners in the country’s jails.
The execution of Navid Afkari, a 27-year-old wrestler and one of those detained during public protests in Shiraz, and Ruhollah Zam, a journalist and opponent of the Islamic Republic, were two examples of the most important and controversial actions of the judiciary during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure that prompted protests from numerous human rights organizations and international bodies.
The issuance of death sentences and their execution were not limited to political and ideological prisoners; these harsh sentences were also applied in non-political cases. During Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary, for the first time in at least the past two decades, a person was executed for repeated alcohol consumption.
The execution of ethnic minority activists in the provinces of Khuzestan, Sistan and Baluchestan, and Kurdistan intensified during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary.
Increased Judicial and Security Pressures on Civil Activists
The record of institutions under Ibrahim Raisi’s command in dealing with civil activists, labor rights advocates, independent lawyers, cultural and artistic figures, and of course religious and ethnic minorities has many dark chapters; the issuance of imprisonment and flogging sentences for labor rights activists and unlawful and unjustified actions in dealing with protesting workers are among the unjustifiable actions of the judiciary under Ibrahim Raisi’s leadership.
The imposition of long-term imprisonment sentences for some members of the Iranian Writers’ Association, particularly during the intensification of the coronavirus pandemic in the country, are examples of judiciary actions against cultural activists that have been unprecedented in recent years.
Judicial and security pressures on civil activists in border provinces of the country increased notably during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary; the widespread arrest of Kurdish activists in various cities and unfair and non-transparent handling of their cases exemplify the application of these pressures on ethnic minority activists in the country.
The intensification of judicial and security actions against those detained during the nationwide November 2019 protests and those protesting the downing of the Ukrainian plane by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards and the unfair and non-transparent process of their expedited trials are other examples of the judicial system’s approach under Ibrahim Raisi’s leadership; while no precise information about judicial review of the essence of these crimes is yet available.
Multiple actions by the judiciary regarding the implementation of imprisonment sentences or the issuance of unconventional court orders concerning independent lawyers in Iran are among prominent examples of unlawful conduct by judiciary officials during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure; the issuance of a court order prohibiting Farzaneh Zilabi, a labor lawyer at Haft Tappeh, from practicing law, or the issuance of an imprisonment sentence for Mohammad Hadi Erfanyan Kasb, the lawyer of Alireza Shirmohammadali, a political prisoner who died in prison in June 2019, are recent examples of such conduct.
One of the most important indicators of judicial officials’ behavior during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure is the severe judicial and security actions against the Baha’i religious minority in the country; the scope of these severe judicial actions during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure extended even to small towns with low populations such as Birjand in South Khorasan Province. The issuance of imprisonment sentences for Baha’i citizens in the country on one hand and the judiciary’s actions in confiscating Baha’i property and assets on the other have accelerated, and this religious minority in Iran faces continuous judicial pressures.
During Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary, the arrest and detention of dual nationals and foreign nationals continued. Arrests that many consider “hostage-taking” through which authorities pursue a project of prisoner exchanges involving Iranians in America and Europe; the arrest of foreign citizens such as Kylie Moore, an Australian citizen, or Roland Gabriel Marshall, a French citizen, and their subsequent exchange for individuals affiliated with the Islamic Republic held in prisons in other countries, exemplifies this judiciary action under Ibrahim Raisi’s leadership. Currently, Benjamin Brière, a French citizen, has been detained for over a year and awaits a court verdict.
Intensified Torture and Mistreatment of Political and Ideological Prisoners
During Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary, the behavior of prison officials toward prisoners, particularly ideological and political prisoners, attests to the intensification of harsh treatment; from the application of prolonged solitary confinement to detained individuals to the use of unjustified and unlawful methods of transferring prisoners to psychiatric hospitals.
Prisoners’ lack of access to basic medical and healthcare facilities, particularly during the coronavirus pandemic in the country, and the low level of health facilities in prisons increased concerns about prisoners’ health during this period. Nevertheless, judicial authorities opposed granting furloughs or conditional release to many political and ideological prisoners.
The failure to promptly address Behnam Mahjoubi’s physical condition led to the death of this ideological prisoner. Reports of severe torture inflicted on Behnam Mahjoubi were widely published. One form of torture applied to this ideological prisoner was his transfer to a psychiatric hospital and his admission there. A treatment that has precedent regarding other ideological and political prisoners during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary.
During Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure as head of the judiciary, numerous accounts from prisoners and their families were published describing torture and severe violence against inmates; the account of the Afkari brothers, who months after Navid Afkari’s execution remain in solitary confinement, describing psychological and physical torture inflicted on themselves, is an example of such accounts.
The application of pressure on political prisoners, especially female political prisoners, during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure through the method of “banishment in detention,” despite being illegal, was very common; in many cases, the exile of political prisoners occurred in unusual and torturous ways without prior notice to the prisoner.
Opposition to “Justice Seekers” and Efforts to Weaken the Bar Association’s Independence
One aspect worth examining during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure in the judiciary is the branch’s treatment of “justice seeking”; judicial and security action against justice seekers of those killed and victims of the nationwide November 2019 protests as well as justice seekers of those killed in the downed Ukrainian plane, while none of those responsible for these tragedies have been tried in any court, demonstrates the prevailing outlook in the institution under Ibrahim Raisi’s leadership. The judiciary’s high speed in reviewing cases of justice seekers and its very slow speed in reviewing cases of those responsible for these tragedies serve as further evidence of the prevailing outlook in the judiciary. In other words, this prevailing outlook in the judiciary demonstrates a reversal of the positions of “defendant” and “complainant.” The announcement of a new verdict against Narges Mohammadi in a case where she was actually the complainant, or the position of judicial officials in the matter of a soldier being slapped by a parliamentary representative, are examples of this kind. One could even use this description (reversal of defendant and complainant positions) to explain the conduct of judicial officials toward those who signed letters requesting the Supreme Leader’s resignation.
On the other hand, the judiciary under Ibrahim Raisi’s command has made considerable efforts in recent years, in line with the process initiated by previous heads of this branch, to weaken the independence of the Iranian Bar Association; the implementation of certain regulations, circulars, and directives during Ibrahim Raisi’s tenure attests to this claim. On May 20, 2020, Ibrahim Raisi announced the circulation of a circular titled “Honoring and Elevating the Status, Clarifying Financial Contracts of Legal Practice, and Creating a System of Lawyers’ Suggestions” to judicial units across the country. A circular that, according to many independent lawyers in the judiciary, contrary to its title, works against them.
Late in November, the Legal Affairs Deputy of the Judiciary issued a directive to the heads of judicial departments across the country, which began by emphasizing that “this directive is in line with the implementation of the circular issued by the head of the judiciary regarding supervision of judiciary lawyers.” According to this executive directive, “doubt” in the practical commitment of judiciary lawyers to “Islam,” “the Islamic Republic system,” or “Guardianship of the Jurist,” and non-compliance with Islamic hijab by female lawyers in judicial gatherings and even in cyberspace would result in the “revocation of legal license” and lead to “judicial prosecution” of lawyers.
Source: Iran Human Rights Campaign
