Physical and mental execution of entrepreneurs in Iran

History

On March 28, 1978, Sadegh Khalkhali was tasked with forming the Islamic Revolutionary Tribunal. The text of its ruling is as follows:

Your Excellency, Hojjatoleslam Mr. Hajj Sheikh Sadeq Khalkhali, during your term of office, you are hereby assigned to appear in the court that will be formed to try the defendants and prisoners and, after completing the trial preparations, issue a Sharia ruling in accordance with Sharia standards.

Ruhollah Al-Mousavi Khomeini

The execution of individuals in Iran after the 1979 revolution was a widespread wave of executions for various crimes and pretexts, mainly by the verdict of the Islamic Revolutionary Court of Iran. These courts were established on the orders of Seyyed Ruhollah Khomeini, and Sadegh Khalkhali played a prominent role in their implementation.

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Every great entrepreneur who dies is like a reservoir of inspiration and a beacon of hope in a corner of our land. In these turbulent times, with the death of every entrepreneur, it is as if a number of our workers lose their job security, the light of hope goes out in many homes, and new unemployed people are added to our ranks.
An entrepreneur is not a straw that is blown by the wind and not shaken by water. Rather, it is a fruitful palm tree that, if it falls, will cause many people to suffer from bitterness. No entrepreneur is a seed that, when it falls to the ground, will simply sprout a new seedling from its soil. Rather, it takes years for "clouds, wind, fog, sun, and sky to work" for entrepreneurship to emerge from among the vast number of citizens of a country and actualize the potential capabilities hidden in the brains and arms of other people.

The execution of Rouhi Musa Khani

The late Musa Khani was one of these proud and fruitful palm trees that fell to the ground in the storm of events in recent years and the poisonous winds that blew from the world of politics to our economy.

We have never seen him up close, but we have heard about his work and we knew that we were dealing with a great entrepreneur. Because everything he built was built from nothing; because forty years ago he started as a worker in a small cake-making workshop but aimed to build a great economic empire. He looked at open and vast horizons and was able to free himself from the constraints of traditional and conservative management methods. In a land where everyone is dependent on their city and homeland, he migrated to Isfahan and turned the land of exile into a familiar land and did a job that stole everyone's eyes and single-handedly founded two of the largest economic enterprises in the province in the field of food industry and created thousands of jobs.
Unfortunately, like all the wonders and bad omens that the world of politics has had for this country, in the rise and fall of governments, and the instability and sometimes lawlessness resulting from this cycle of times, Musa Khani was also caught in the destructive storm of chaos in Iran's economic and political conditions. First his leaves fell, then his branches were broken, and then his sturdy body fell to the ground. Undoubtedly, Musa Khani, like any other human being, has made mistakes in his economic decisions. But there is a difference between a society that stands up to support its entrepreneur when he makes a mistake and runs into problems, and a society that not only abandons him when his entrepreneur makes a wrong decision or encounters problems in the cycle of time and his prosperous period ends, but also throws stones in his path to salvation. Yes, if a few years ago, when the Isfahan Provincial Administrative Council had allocated a share of the budget for rescuing troubled enterprises for him, they had not been narrow-minded and played politics, and the council's resolution had been implemented, perhaps Musa Khani and the Musa Khani industry would still be alive today. And this was the same Musa Khani who established and supported dozens of charitable institutions during his forty years of economic activity. But when he himself needed the help of others, we abandoned him.

Musa Khani, having endured the storm of devastating events that have blown over the years, has become a symbol of the oppression of entrepreneurship in this country. Entrepreneurs in this country are oppressed because there are still those who do not know the difference between an innovative entrepreneur and an insatiable rent-seeker or a wealthy aristocrat. They are oppressed because they do not see any helping hand around them, but rather every hand they see is either asking for help or demanding. They are oppressed because many of our government officials still do not know that the main capital for economic growth in any country, especially our stagnant economy, is risk-taking, patient, and innovative entrepreneurs, not oil and gas resources and colorful deposits that make them arrogant and intoxicated and make them neglect paying attention to the treasures hidden among the citizens. Therefore, the entrepreneur should not be measured by the value of money and blamed for the failures, most of which have been caused by the country's macroeconomic instability and mismanagement. They are oppressed because our children know the names of many domestic and international actors, singers, and footballers, but we have not planted any names of any Iranian entrepreneurs in their minds. They are oppressed because in a world where everyone is accustomed to being small, we cannot tolerate big people. They are oppressed because in an era where legendary corruptions are constantly emerging, it is very difficult to recognize a true entrepreneur from a corrupt rent-seeker.

They are oppressed because our tax system has not yet come to believe that entrepreneurs are taking the heavy burden of unemployment benefits off the shoulders of governments and putting them on their own shoulders. They are oppressed because our insurance and banking systems still do not know that during economic recessions they should support entrepreneurs, not increase the pressure to recover the debts of entrepreneurs and force them to land, trial, and imprison them. They are oppressed because our judiciary does not know that imprisoning an entrepreneur is like destroying an ancient monument that took many lifetimes and enormous costs to build. They are oppressed because, unlike the rest of the world, the bankruptcy law in this country has become an abandoned, formal, and ineffective law, and for this reason, when an entrepreneur fails on his own risky path, he is doomed to destruction and will not be allowed to start again. They are oppressed because our people still do not differentiate between fault and error in their judgment of them, and if an entrepreneur fails, instead of pointing the finger of blame at the external circumstances and factors that led the entrepreneur to failure, they point it at the entrepreneur himself. They are oppressed because our governments also spread their political agendas in their dealings with entrepreneurs.

And finally, our entrepreneurs are oppressed because our universities still do not feel responsible for smoothing and adapting the ground of public opinion for the advancement of entrepreneurs towards blessed horizons and do not use their knowledge to correct and strengthen the performance of entrepreneurs. Let us not forget that eighty years have passed since the establishment of our university system, but we have not yet established any discipline to train, strengthen, and advise entrepreneurs.

May the soul of the late Musa Khani rest in peace, for he experienced all these social, political, legal, and scientific inadequacies and failures in his entrepreneurial career and endured them in silence until death set him free. We consider him a symbol of the oppression of entrepreneurship in Iran. Let us not doubt that until the system of governance in this country devises a plan and designs a mechanism to support, restore, and honor entrepreneurs like the late Musa Khani, entrepreneurship in this country will not survive. Let us be sure that until we restore and honor an economic jihadist like the late Musa Khani and erect his statue in our city square or name a street in his memory, entrepreneurship will never take root in this country. May his soul rest in peace and his path be paved with paths.

The physical execution of Farrokh Rouparsa

Born in Qom in 1922, Farrokhrou Parsa was initially a biology teacher and later completed her studies in medicine and was appointed to the Ministry of Education during the presidency of Amir Abbas Hoveida. She improved the education situation in Iranian schools and the education of Iranian girls.

On Thursday, May 8, 1980, the Kayhan newspaper wrote: "At 1:30 a.m. today, Farrokhrou Parsa was shot."

Farrokh Ruparsa was arrested in late February 1979. The Revolutionary Court, presided over by Sadegh Khalkhali, tried him on charges such as “creating corruption in the Ministry of Education, helping to promote prostitution in education, effectively cooperating with SAVAK, and expelling revolutionary educators from the Iranian Ministry of Culture,” and sentenced him to death.

The Revolutionary Court referred to SAVAK documents and claimed that Farrokhrou Parsa criticized the hijab of female principals and insulted veiled principals in a gathering of religious school principals. Farrokhrou Parsa denied this claim and said: “In that meeting about women’s hijab, I said that the hijab should not hinder women’s social activities. At that time, girls in religious schools did not participate in sports activities at all. In all my circulars, I invited women to wear heavy clothes and hijab.”

Another of his accusations was an attempt to remove religious education and Quranic education books from Iranian schools. In response to this accusation, Farrokhrou Parsa said: "At that time, people like Dr. Mohammad Javad Bahonar and Ayatollah Borqai were invited to cooperate with this ministry in preparing and translating religious education and Quranic courses and to prepare the necessary books."

Before she was executed, she wrote in her will: "The courtroom is very different between men and women. I hope the future is better for women."

The morticians refused to wash the body of Farrokhro Parsa, who had been executed under the name of "Mufsad fi al-Ard." The women of the family washed his body. Three arrows had struck him below the chest and exited his back.

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Physical harm to Mahafrid Amir Khosravi

(Born in 1969 in Rudbar, Gilan - Died on June 2, 2014 in Evin Prison), also known as Amir Mansour Aria , was accused in September 2011 of embezzling several thousand billion tomans (2,800 or 3,000 billion tomans), which is said to have been the largest embezzlement in Iranian history. 

A report states that he was the 290th richest person in the world. Meh Afarid Amir Khosravi started his career by running a cattle farm with his brothers in 2005 and 2006. He, who was in the military until 1993, founded this livestock unit using quick-return schemes. His continued activities were accompanied by the misuse of these loans and led him to engage in financial corruption. Also, the initial capital of the "Amir Mansour Aria Investment Development Company" on 18 June 2006 was 50 million tomans, which, according to the minutes of the board of directors of the same company on 11/30/1387, has increased to 20 billion tomans.

In 2008, in line with the implementation of Article 44 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Amir Mansour Aria Investment Development Company was able to purchase 94.96 percent of the shares of Lorestan Machine Manufacturing, 95.2 percent of the shares of Iran Steel Industrial Group, 95 percent of the shares of Railway Line and Technical Building Engineering (Traverse), and 39.5 percent of the shares of Khuzestan Aksin Steel in questionable actions.

Some of the subsidiary companies of "Amir Mansour Aria Investment Development" are as follows:

The Amir Khosravi brothers, named Meh Afarid, Mehregan, Masoud, and Mard Aavij, are the main members of this group.

Also, the wives of the four brothers named Sara Khosravi, Tooba Abdullahzadeh Siahkoli, Farshida Talifdar Akbari, and Soraya Afsardir have been involved in economic activities, especially in the ownership of company shares, and therefore the assets of these individuals have been seized and confiscated by the country's judiciary. Mehregan Amir Khosravi and his wife Tooba Abdullahzadeh Siahkoli have been living in Montreal, Canada since last summer and were hoping to permanently reside in this country, but the Canadian Immigration Department has rejected the couple's application for residency.

In late 2010, he obtained the approval of the Central Bank to establish a bank called "Aria Bank" and in March of that year, he began to underwrite and then publish an advertisement for hiring employees. However, in August 2011, the Central Bank revoked the bank's operating license.

Embezzlement

He was the main suspect in the embezzlement of three trillion tomans from Saderat Bank of Iran, and was arrested on 5th of Amrdad 2011.

Special facilities

Another charge against him was the use of a 400 billion toman loan from the National Bank, which was provided without any documents or collateral. This amount is separate from the embezzlement through the opening of an LC.

Land grabbing

230 hectares of land in Kish and hundreds of hectares of land in Kashanek, Tehran, have been made available to them at a price of 16 rials per square meter.

Finally, after the court issued its verdict on the morning of June 25, 2014, the death sentence of Meh Afridi Khosravi was carried out. Accordingly, the Tehran Public and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office announced that the death sentence against prisoner Meh Afridi Amir Khosravi, son of Mansour, was carried out at Evin Prison in the early hours of Saturday, June 25, 2014. This sentence was carried out three days after Meh Afridi Khosravi's lawyer announced that she had written a letter to Seyyed Ali Khamenei.

Considering these accusations, as well as such economic progress, as well as their immediate and unceasing execution, it is certain that the interests and secrets of the government were still at risk. And we all must know that such actions are only specific to and the offspring of a corrupt regime that, by playing with capitalists and entrepreneurs, has committed massive embezzlement and rent-seeking in such a way that there is no trace of the government itself and the corrupt government. 

Those accused of embezzlement in Iran

• Mehafrid Amirkhosravi

H

• Mahmoudreza Khavari
• Fazel Khodadad

R

• Morteza Rafiqdoost

K

• Gholamhossein Karbaschi

N

• Nasser Vaez Tabasi

Iranians executed during the Islamic Republic

A

• Hassan Azarfar
• Asghar Arasteh

A

• Mehdi Eslamian
• Ali Ashtari
• Ashraf Characheshm
• Execution of political prisoners (Summer 1988)
• Jamshid Aalam
• Bahram Afzali
• Farhad Vakili
• Habibollah Al-Ghanian
• Fathollah Omid Najafabadi
• Ali Asghar Amirani
• Mehafrid Amirkhosravi
• Shahram Amiri

B

• Mansour Bagherian
• Tall fairy
• Mehdi Baligh
• Zahra Bahrami
• Manouchehr Behzadi
• Bije
• Bijan Irannejad

P

• Yousef Pourrezaei
• Farrokhrou Parsa
• Mohammad Pourrhamzan
• Hassan Pakravan
• Shokrollah Paknejad

C

• Shahla Jahed
• Reyhaneh Jabbari
• Majid Jamali Fashi
• Nader Jahanbani

H

• Mohammad Ali Haj Aghaei
• Habibollah Ashouri
• Ali Hojjat Kashani
• Hossein Ahmadi Rouhani
• Saeed Hanaei
• Ali Heydarian

H

• Night bat
• Habib Khabiri
• Fazel Khodadad
• Rahim Ali Khorram
• Manouchehr Khosrowdad
• Hossein Khezri

D

• Delara Darabi
• Gholamhossein Danesh

R

• Amir Hossein Rabiei
• Atefeh Rajabi Sahaleh
• Arash Rahmanipour
• Yahya Rahimi
• Abdullah Mathayom
• Abdulhamid Rigi

Z

• Siamak Zaeem

S

• Hossein Soudmand
• Nasser Sobhani
• The glory of prostration
• Manouchehr Malek
• Mohammadreza Saadati
• Javad Saeed
• Saeed Sultanpour
• Manouchehr Salimi
• Sohrab Gholami
• Seyyed Saeed Mahdiyon

Sh

• Rahim Shams
• Taghi Shahram

P

• Ali Saremi

A

• Abdullah Khajeh Nouri
• Houshang Attarian
• Mohammad Ali Allameh Vahidi
• Shirin Alamholi
• Mohammadreza Alizamani

F

• Ehsan Fattahian
• Fathi Brothers
• Farajollah Seifi Kamangar
• Farrokhzad Jahangiri
• Abdullah Farivar Moghadam
• Fereydoun Tavangari

Q

• Khosrow Qashqai
• Sadegh Ghotbzadeh

K

• Kazem Afjei
• Jafar Kazemi
• Bijan Kabiri
• Farzad Kamangar

G

• Akbar Goodarzi

M

• Majid Kavousifar
• Mohsen Amiraslani
• Ayat Mohaqeqi
• Mona Mahmoudnejad
• Mohammad Herati
• Mohammad Mehdi Dozduzani
• Fatemeh Modaresi
• Jelly Man
• Shirko Maarifi
• Masoumeh Shadmani
• Ahmad Masoumi Kouch-Safhani
• Nasser Moghadam
• Alireza Mollasoltani
• Soraya Manouchehri
• Yaqoub Mehrnehad
• Farajollah Mizany

N

• Ali Neshat
• Nematollah Nasiri
• Jinous Nemat Mahmoudi
• Gholamreza Nikpei
• Parviz Nikkhah

H

• Rahman Hatfi
• Seyyed Mehdi Hashemi (Guardian)
• Amir Abbas Hoveida
• Heybatollah Moeini Chagravand

Y

• Eloquent Jasmine

Execution of the leaders of the Pahlavi government

Following the 1979 revolution, a wave of executions of leaders and associates of the former government was launched by the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Iran, ordered by Seyyed Ruhollah Khomeini and headed by Sadegh Khalkhali. The initial goal of the executions was to investigate the crimes committed by the Pahlavi regime. These executions generally provoked a strong reaction from the international community, especially Amnesty International.

On February 17, 1979, the first group of leaders of the former regime, which included four generals of the Imperial Iranian Army, were sentenced to death by a Revolutionary Court headed by Sadegh Khalkhali. According to Amnesty International, 438 people have been executed by the Revolutionary Court since the victory of the revolution until March 1979.

Execution of Baha'is

Since the beginning of the Iranian Revolution of 1979, more than 202 Baha'is have been executed by the Islamic government for their belief in the Baha'i Faith, or for promoting and propagating it.

The executions of the summer of 2018

The execution of political prisoners in the summer of 1988 was an event during which, on the orders of Seyyed Ruhollah Khomeini, several thousand political and ideological prisoners were secretly executed and buried in mass graves in the prisons of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the months of August and September 1988. In general, the prisoners' crime was considered to be collaboration with organizations opposed to the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran, as well as various leftist, communist, and Marxist groups. The number of victims of this event is estimated by different authorities to be between 3,000 and 4,482. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights has announced the number of political prisoners executed at least 1,879.

Human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

During the rule of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the United Nations General Assembly has issued a resolution on human rights violations by the Islamic Republic government almost every year, except for one or two years. In the United Nations General Assembly resolution A/RES/64/176, published in Farvardin 2010, the Assembly condemned Iran on many occasions. Among them was the government's treatment of protesters against the results of the Iranian presidential election (2009). The Islamic Republic of Iran's government has been severely restricting civil liberties, including freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and personal freedoms, and has also created obstacles to religious freedom.

Ethnic and religious minorities

More than 49 percent of Iran's population is ethnic minorities. The constitution grants equal rights to all ethnic minorities and allows minority languages ​​to be used in the media, schools, and weekly radio and television programs. However, linguistic minorities have never been allowed to use their own languages ​​in schools. Few minority groups have called for secession. Instead, they have complained of economic and political discrimination. State-run radio and television broadcast programs in various ethnic languages.

Sunnis in Iran have more than 15,000 mosques, of which there are currently 9 mosques for Sunnis in Tehran.

Non-Muslim communities

During the final review of the Islamic Republic's constitution by the parliament, the debate on whether the state's official religion should be mentioned in the constitution ended in favor of Shiite Islamists. Ultimately, Article 12 of the Iranian constitution declared "Islam and the Ja'fari Twelver school of thought " as the state's official religion, and limited itself to stating that other Islamic sects such as Hanafi , Maliki , Shafi'i , Hanbali , and Zaidi could practice according to their own jurisprudence. Influential clerics at the time opposed the request of representatives of non-Muslim communities (such as Jews, Baha'is, and Zoroastrians) to have their religions recognized as the state's official religions, insisting that non-Muslims should be considered "dhimmah." Article 13 of the constitution was ultimately passed with only six votes against (four non-Muslim representatives and two other representatives). According to this principle, Zoroastrian, Jewish, and Christian Iranians are recognized as the only religious minorities who are free to perform their religious ceremonies within the limits of the law and act in accordance with their own religion in personal matters and religious teachings.

According to some, the inclusion of the clause "only religious minorities" in this principle ultimately resulted in other religious communities (including the Baha'is, the largest religious community in Iran after Muslims) being deprived of recognized rights.

Article 881 of the Civil Code is the most controversial law in Iran regarding religious minorities. This article, which deals with the issue of inheritance, states: “ A non-believer does not inherit from a Muslim , and if there is a Muslim among the heirs of a deceased non-believer, the heirs of the non-believer do not inherit, even if they are superior to the Muslim in terms of class and rank.” In Iranian courts, religious minorities are subject to this article of the law and are considered “infidels” in inheritance cases. Of course, this law is a way for profit-seeking individuals to abuse it.

The Islamic Penal Code stipulates retribution for the murderer if the victim is Muslim, but in the same law, if the victim is from a religious minority (non-Muslim), the punishment for the murderer is blood money. Another legal difference and discrimination against non-Muslim citizens in Iran is the issue of testimony in court, where testimony from non-Muslims against Muslims is not accepted.

The seizure of endowments of non-Muslim citizens in Iran, the destruction of their schools, and the indifference of the authorities are other problems of non-Muslim Iranian citizens. After the victory of the 1979 revolution, religious minorities were deprived of having their own schools for many years. The speeches before the order and the detailed discussions of the parliament indicate the repeated protests of their representatives in the parliament. After the reopening of these schools, handing over the management of the schools to Muslims, despite the protests of the religious minorities, has been another problem of this group of Iranians. This problem has not been completely resolved after many years, and some schools of religious minorities are run by Muslim directors.

These issues have led to the conclusion that, according to Robert Beglarian, a representative of the Southern Armenians in the seventh, eighth, and ninth terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the most important challenge facing religious minorities at present is the phenomenon of immigration.

Azeri people

The current leader of Iran, Seyyed Ali Khamenei, is of Azeri descent and speaks Turkish. However, a minority of Azeris have long protested against ethnic and linguistic discrimination, including the ban on teaching Azeri in schools, the harassment of Azeri political activists, and the changing of Azeri geographical names. In May 2007, widespread demonstrations were held in Azeri-speaking cities in Iran to protest a cartoon in the newspaper Iran, which resulted in the arrest of 300 people and the death of 4 of the demonstrators. Iranian authorities attributed the demonstrations to Israel. Abbas Banaei Kazemi was sentenced to 16 months in prison for participating in the demonstrations.

Kurds

In March 2006, clashes between Kurds and security forces resulted in three deaths and 250 arrests. Clashes also occurred in June 2005, and demonstrations and strikes followed the killing of a Kurdish activist by security forces in July and August 2005. According to Human Rights Watch and other sources, security forces killed at least 17 people and arrested many more.

Arab people

After three bombings in Khuzestan province in Iran in 2005 and 2006, the Revolutionary Court sentenced 11 Arabs to death in connection with the bombings. The government blamed foreign forces and governments for the violence. Some human rights activists have said that those accused of the bombings did not receive a fair trial.

Jews

The Iranian-American Jewish Federation has announced that Iranian authorities have not provided any information about the 11 Jewish men who disappeared in 1994 and 1997 ^[

The Islamic Republic of Iran's education system restricts Jewish children from using non-Jewish religious books and requires Jewish schools to remain open on Saturdays. There are restrictions on the advancement of Jews in professional careers, especially in the government.

Political executions

After the 1979 revolution, a number of officials of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's government were executed. Also, in the summer of 1988, a number of members of opposition groups of the Islamic Republic of Iran were executed.

Criminal executions

Amnesty International announced in a report that in 2007, at least 24 people were executed each week and more than 64 people were sentenced to death, and Iran ranks second in this regard with 317 executions this year.

In 2008, 70 to 80 criminals were awaiting execution in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In 2005, a sixteen-year-old girl was publicly executed in Neka County for what was called “illegitimate sexual relations.”

Under Islamic law, which is enforced in Iran, homosexuals face the death penalty if proven to be homosexual, and the judge can choose one of five methods of execution, including throwing the offender from a height or breaking a wall on his head. There have been no reports of such methods being used since the 1979 revolution, but a man in Qazvin province was stoned to death for adultery.

Child rights

Iran joined the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1994. However, some of Iran's existing laws still conflict with this convention.

Violence

According to Iranian regulations, physical punishment of a child by a father is permitted to the extent that it is expedient, while Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child obliges states to protect children from any abuse by parents or guardians. According to Article 22 of the Islamic Penal Code, if a father or paternal grandfather kills his child, he is not subject to retribution and is only sentenced to pay blood money and ta’zir, but in similar circumstances the mother will be sentenced to retribution.

Education

The Constitution and the Children's Rights Act both make education compulsory for children up to a certain age, but a large number of Iranian children are currently not attending school due to economic hardship. The lack of identity registration and the lack of identity cards for children with Afghan fathers and Iranian mothers mean that they are unable to register and study in any school without an identity card, which is in violation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Homosexuals

There are no exact statistics on the number of homosexuals executed in Iran since the 1979 Revolution, but human rights activists believe that more than four thousand homosexual men and women have been executed in Iran since the 1979 Revolution.

Male homosexuals

Iranian law sentences men who commit first-time homosexual acts to various penalties, including death, if penetration occurs. In cases where penetration does not occur, such individuals are subject to a maximum of 100 lashes. According to Iranian criminal law, proof of sodomy requires four repeated confessions or the testimony of four honest male witnesses. However, judges can also accept circumstantial evidence.

Female homosexuals

Women who commit homosexual acts (masahiqah) for the fourth time may be sentenced to death.

Privacy

In 2007, law enforcement forces arrested 150,000 people in a crackdown on the veil and forced them to write "commitments" to comply with government standards for covering their faces.

Also this year, Iranian airport security police stopped and questioned more than 17,000 people traveling through the country's airports for their face coverings, and arrested 850 women and forced them to sign affidavits. Another 130 people have been prosecuted by judicial authorities.

Women's rights in Iran

Rights Iranian women have undergone many changes during different political and historical periods. These rights include the right to marry, the right to divorce, the right to education, the right to cover and wear the hijab, and health rights (such as reproductive rights, family planning, and abortion), the right to vote, and other rights.

According to the World Economic Forum's 2012 Gender Gap Report, out of 135 countries, Iran ranks 127th in terms of inequality between women and men, which is very unfortunate.